UGANDA: AUTOCRAT MUSEVENI HAS RADICALIZED OPPOSITION TO HIS 33 YEAR RULE THROUGH BRUTALITY
The Opposition Peoples’ Power Assembly going on in Gulu
“I foresee a political season filled with unrest rather than
peace, acrimony rather than consensus and bitterness rather than contentment”
“I live everyday as it comes, not being sure of the next day. I
am not blind to the fact that this regime wants me dead and dead as soon as
possible. He is fearful because there has never been a threat to this regime
like the threat we pose to it today as a generation. We know that the regime is
going to try anything within their reach to block us from contesting”
GULU-UGANDA: “I foresee a political
season filled with unrest rather than peace, acrimony rather than consensus and
bitterness rather than contentment”, writes Mr. Mao Norbert, President General
of the oldest political party in Uganda and a party which stands for Peace and
Justice.
Even those who are skeptical would agree that autocratic leader
of Uganda, General Yoweri Museveni’s seventh term in office as president got
off on a bad start.
If the violence that punctuated the days leading to his
declaration as winner, his controversial inauguration, and the spate of
killings and high handed responses to citizen’s protests is anything to go by,
then Mr. Museveni should brace himself for more turbulence for the remaining
tenure at State House.
On February 18, 2016, Ugandans went to the polls to elect a new
president, members of parliament and local government leaders in an exercise
marred by widespread fraud, voting irregularities, and intimidation.
Mr. Museveni was declared winner with 61% of the total votes
counted and his main challenger, Dr. Kiiza Besigye, garnered 36% of the votes.
Dr. Besigye has since refused to concede defeat, claiming Mr. Museveni stole
his victory. He has since declared renewed defiance campaign and establishes a
parallel government he calls “The Peoples’ Assembly”.
When Mr. Museveni was being sworn in, his principal political
enemy, Dr. Besigye, was under house arrest; and during his maiden speech as
president who has just secured a seventh elective term, Mr. Museveni vowed that
there would be no more opposition politician in the country by 2021.
However, with the emergence of a 37-year-old ‘new kid’ in
parliament in 2017, Mr. Robert Ssentamu Kyaguklanyi, popularly known by his
musical stage name of Bobi Wine, Mr. Museveni has never been the same. His
prediction that there would be no opposition Politian by 2021 election seems to
be falling apart, especially since July 2019 when this ‘new kid’ threw in his
hat to challenge Mr. Museveni.
“I live everyday as it come, not being sure of the next day. I
am not blind to the fact that this regime wants me dead and dead as soon as
possible. He is fearful because there has never been a threat to this regime
like the threat we pose to it today as a generation. We know that the regime is
going to try anything within their reach to block us from contest”, Bobi Wine
tells Aljazeera.
Mr. Museveni’s threat to ‘kill opposition by 2021’ seems to be
fading away as this young musician turned politician, Bobi Mine’s popularity
across the country seems to be gaining ground at the detriment of his wish to
die in office.
He has therefore decided to enlist the support of security
organs of state and raid state coffers to fund his political mobilization as a
strategy to enable him retain power at all cost.
When Makerere University students decided to hold a peaceful
demonstration last week over 15% increment of tuition fees, Mr. Museveni unleashed
the security forces on the unarmed and peaceful students. He justifies his
action by alleging that some political parties are creating unrest in
universities to discredit his regime.
He uses the controversial Public Management Order Act to prevent
opposition parties from holding public meetings while his loyalists hold public
meetings at will. He raids public funds to finance his political party
activities including buying off opposition politicians.
On Friday, October 25, 2019, his Minister of Justice and
Constitutional Affairs and longtime bush war hero, Major General Kahinda
Otafire, was in Gulu to welcome into National Resistance Movement (NRM) party,
a total of 310 former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) members who crossed
over to the ruling party.
On the same day, hardly five hundred meters away, Dr. Besigye
held his Peoples’ Government General Assembly in the private home of the Leader
of Opposition (LoP) in parliament also Gulu woman Member of Parliament, Ms.
Betty Aol Ocan. During the Assembly, Dr. Besigye renewed his 2016 ‘Defiance
Campaign’ as he also vowed to stand against Mr. Museveni in 2021.
In the Central City of Kampala, Mr. Museveni has recognized the
strong base of Mr. Bobi Wine’s support that it comes from the most vulnerable
members of society who live in the ghettos of Kampala and love for his music.
To combat that, Mr. Museveni has been touring the suburbs with
sacks of money to buy off Bobi Wine’s supporters and appointed a fellow
musician, Butcher Man as his envoy in the area.
What is happening in Uganda is not ‘unique’. Most leaders of
Africa who took over from leaders like Dr. Kenneth Kaunda who took over from
the colonial masters tend to cling on to power.
The late Associate Director of the Great Lakes Institute for
Strategic Studies, the late Godber Tumushabe asserted that there is no party
called NRM because the so called NRM party is a mere purpose vehicle that was
created by Mr. Museveni for his retention of power and in practice he uses it
when he needs to.
“You have a problem when you have the ‘State of Uganda’ being
the ruling party and then everybody else must contest against the ‘State’ and
that is a fundamental problem because ordinarily the ‘State Institutions’
are supposed to be non-partisan, generally neutral, they are supposed to be
arbiters in this political contest”, he is quoted in the Daily Monitor of
October 19, 2019.
In their paper titled “Opposition weakness in Africa”,
researchers Lisa Rakner and Nicholas van de Walle, say regardless of the
nature and quality of electoral institutions, opposition parties have remained
numerically weak and are fragmented and unable to carry out their roles of
political counterweight to the victorious party and president.
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